BN: Op-eds
Showing posts with label Op-eds. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Op-eds. Show all posts

7 Sept 2020

Don't Believe the Economic Pessimists - Barokong

Source: Wall Street Journal
No matter who wins Tuesday’s presidential election, now ought to be the time that policy makers in Washington come together to tackle America’s greatest economic problem: sclerotic growth. The recession ended more than seven years ago. Unemployment has returned to normal levels. Yet gross domestic product is rising at half its postwar average rate. Achieving better growth is possible, but it will require deep structural reforms.

The policy worthies have said for eight years: stimulus today, structural reform tomorrow. Now it’s tomorrow, but novel excuses for stimulus keep coming...

Keep reading here, the Wall Street Journal Oped. I'll post the whole thing in 30 days as usual.

Somehow the WSJ thinks anyone is interested in growth and serious policy on the eve of the election. Or maybe they were just tired of Trump vs. Clinton and needed to fill space.  At any rate, it might give you a little reprieve from the election coverage.

14 Aug 2020

Clinton Plan - Barokong

The WSJ asked me to review the Hillary Clinton economic plan, motivated by her August 11 speech introducing it.The Op-Ed is here.

I read a good deal of the "plan" on hillaryclinton.com. What I discovered is that there is so much plan that there really isn't any plan at all.

For example, follow me down to theFact sheet at the bottom of the website to figure out just what the "infrastructure" plan is about.  Some snippets:

Clinton will make smart, targeted, and coordinated investments to increase capacity, improve road quality, and reduce congestion
Clinton will prioritize and increase investments in public transit to connect Americans to jobs, spur economic growth, and improve quality of life in our communities. And she will encourage local governments to work with low-income communities to ensure that these investments are creating transit options that connect the unemployed and underemployed to the jobs they need. She will also support bicycle and pedestrian infrastructure
Clinton will make smart, coordinated investments that upgrade our aging rail tunnels and bridges, expand congested highway corridors, eliminate dangerous at-grade railway crossings, and build deeper port channels to accommodate the newest and largest cargo ships. Clinton will also focus on vital “intermodal” transfer points between trucks, rail, and ships—including the “last-mile connectors” between different modes, like the local roads that connect highways to ports. She is committed to initiating upgrades of at least the 25 most costly freight bottlenecks by the end of her first term. (bold italics in the original)
The Federal Aviation Administration is currently pursuing a “NextGen” upgrade program... But these efforts have fallen chronically behind schedule and well short of expectations. Clinton will get this crucial program back on track and ensure that it is managed effectively and with accountability.
Clinton will also invest in building world-class American airports...with reliable and efficient connections to mass transit. ...
committing that by 2020, 100 percent of households in America will have access to affordable broadband that delivers world-class speeds sufficient to meet families’ needs.
A wide-ranging system of advanced energy fueling stations for the 21st century fleet. A network of roadway sensors capable of alerting drivers to a dangerous icy patch a mile ahead.
Clinton will invest in creating a world-leading passenger rail system to meet rapidly growing demand and build a more mobile America.
...Clinton’s plan will modernize our pipeline system, increase rail safety, and enhance grid security. It will also build new infrastructure to power our economic future and capture America’s clean energy potential. ...
We need a bold agenda to revitalize our aging water infrastructure and make it more sustainable and energy efficient. Clinton will work to harness both public and private resources to support these efforts.
Modernizing our dams and levees ...our efforts to maintain these critical structures are haphazard and under-resourced ...We need to substantially increase funding to inspect these structures, bring them into good repair, and remove them where appropriate. ...
Clinton will support efforts to increase dams’ capacity to deliver affordable and reliable electricity while reducing carbon pollution.
And it goes on like this.

The positive view of all this is  that someone running the vast American bureacracy should have a detailed plan for what they want that bureuacracy to do.  Well, there is plenty of detail here, and it's a good bet that Donald Trump has never thought about traffic jams at intermodal transfer facilities.

So how can I say there is no "plan?"

The other job of an Administration is to set priorities, which means something has to come second. This is what Clinton will propose in her first 100 days, and what she will accomplish in 5 years, with $50 billion a year? You must be kidding. Turning Amtrak alone into a "world-leading passenger rail system" would swallow her $275 billion

There are no numbers here anywhere. The $275 billion is clearly just a made up number that sounds sortof big but not so big as to attract tax-and-spend criticism. Because that is the last number in the whole document. In my rough calculation, she blew $275 billion by the first paragraph. As a consequence,  analysts who calculate how many "jobs" the "Clinton plan" will create are just making it up too.

There is no timeline or process The President of the US is not a King or dictator who waves her hands and upgrades at intermodal transfer facilities just happen. The president appoints cabinet secretaries, who oversee a bureaucracy, which must, by law conducts proper cost benefit analysis, follow the Administrative Procedures Act,  submit plans for EPA review, and so on.

The job of an Administration is also to understand and figure out how to surmount the institutional barriers that have stopped all of these fine and very old ideas from happening before. If Governor Brown and President Obama have not been able to lay a foot of high-speed track in 8 years, how is she going to do so much better?

As I mentioned in the oped, it fails to ask, why are these things problems in the first place? Apparently, traffic jams where trucks unload trains happen when the President is not, herself, there to run things. It's an implicitly damning condemnation of her predecessor -- he was either not studious enough to do his homework to this detail, or insufficiently "committed to initiating upgrades""at  costly freight bottlenecks"

In my world, things go wrong when markets go wrong, or the structures of government fail. In this world, things happen only on the will and attention of the President, including traffic jams. The people in charge now are either idiots, Republicans blocking progress, or just insufficiently guided by the great leader on top.  One need do not analysis of why things are going wrong, just "fight" to fix them.

This "plan" implies a stinging rebuke of her predecessor, when you think about it. If all it takes is the force of Hllary's will to accomplish all this in 5 years for $275 billion, just why did he fail in 8 years with about $10 trillion? Maybe, just maybe, President Obama was trying darn hard, using the same methods, and came up short for a reason?

There is, literally, no plan. I looked hard through the website, and this "fact sheet" is the bottom level for infrastructure. Yet it keeps referring to what "the plan" will do, with no citations or links. That's all over the website. Thousands of pages talk about the plan, but no pages are, grammatically the plan itself.

Lost in detailsAnd this is just one fact sheet, 6 levels deep in the website.  You get here from (click on bold)

1) Hllaryclinton.com

2) About / Act /Issues/ Shop / More / Español / Donate

3) All Issues /Economy and jobs / Education / Environment / Health / Justice and equality / National security

4) A fair tax system / Jobs and Wages /  Paid family and medical leave .../Fixing America's infrastructure / ... (17 boxes in all)

5) As president, Hillary will:

  • Repair and expand our roads and bridges....
  • Lower transportation costs and unlock economic opportunity by expanding public transit options. ...
  • Connect all Americans to the internet....
  • Invest in building world-class American airports and modernize our national airspace system. ..
  • Build energy infrastructure for the 21st century. ..
(Looking over all 17 tabs of the "Economy and Jobs" tab, I lost count at 139 such bullet points.)

And finally thisFact sheet.Transport is actually one of the best thought out of all the tabs.

The point, if each such fact sheet promises that Mrs. Clinton is "committed" to details as fine as solving intermodal freight bottlenecks (the bold italics really got to me), across all 17 tabs of economic policy x 7 tabs of policy areas, she and her administration will get nothing done.

In sum, I think the picture I painted is unavoidable. Clinton and her team are well meaning, but this document (the website) displays an unbelievable naivete about how American government works. Every possible "policy solution" to every perceived problem in America got thrown in, with no thought of where the problems came from, no acknowledgement that good people have been trying hard for years, and that American government has an important set of checks and balances and a policy process. No, she will wave her hand and all will be well.

Perhaps she and her team are wiser, and this is just a campaign document designed to please media analysts and voters. But if that is the case, it displays an unbelievable disdain for the intelligence of the media and voters she wishes to attract.

Red Tape

The thousands of pages of the website do address how Mrs. Clinton will succeed where President Obama failed: She will "break through washington gridlock" and get rid of "red tape." Period.

This had me guffawing. Really? That's all it takes? Too bad President Obama never had that idea! (He did, and had an office devoted to the project. With little success.)

Her speech made some progress on just how she will break through "gridlock":

What we need is serious, steady leadership that can find common ground and build on it based on hard but respectful bargaining.
Leadership that rises above personal attacks and name calling, not revels in it....
ogether, we'll make full use of the White House's power to convene. We'll get everyone at the table – not just Republicans and Democrats, but business and labor leaders...academics and experts... and, most importantly, all of you. I want working people to have a real say in your government again.
That means we have to get unaccountable money out of our politics, overturn Citizens United, and expand voting rights, not restrict them.
Starting even before the election, we will bring together leaders from across our economy and our communities for meetings on jobs, American competitiveness, and working families.

I omitted the, well, "personal attacks" on Donald Trump, so we can think about just how plausible this is once he's off the stage. And then it's just roll-your-eyes funny. The major proposal is... more Town Hall meetings and "listening" tours?  I would think, given current scandals, she'd be a little circumspect about "money in politics," and if you want to show your "listening" abilities, perhaps those who think Citizens United was a good idea might be a place to start.

If Mrs. Clinton wants to listen, and reach out to Republicans, she doesn't need to "convene" everyone at the table. And least of all, she doesn't need more policy-wonks stuffing her campaign website with every little idea that public policy schools and liberal think tanks dream up. Paul Ryan's "a better way" plan is right there on the internet. She should get a good glass of wine, sit down with that plan, pick 5 things she can live with, and go with them or see how to meet them half way.

This should be taken as constructive and nonpartisan criticism. Do not mistakenly imply anything about Mr. Trump in here.  Mrs. Clinton is daily more likely to be our next president. I hope dearly that she could make some progress in coming to compromise on some of the simple and obvious steps that our country needs to take, steps pretty much every bipartisan commission agrees on -- tax and immigration reform, yes, infrastructure, reform of much regulatory process, and so on. She doesn't have to agree on policy, but an approach much more like the famous Shultz memo to Reagan -- written in November! -- is much more likely to succeed.

Sadly, though, this seems like a road to four more years of gridlock.

4 Aug 2020

Growth full oped - Barokong

Source: Wall Street Journal

On November 7 I wrote "Don't believe the economic pessimists," an oped about growth in the Wall Street Journal. Now that 30 days have passed, I can post the whole thing here. pdf here (my webpage).

Don't Believe the Economic Pessimists

No matter who wins Tuesday’s presidential election, now ought to be the time that policy makers in Washington come together to tackle America’s greatest economic problem: sclerotic growth. The recession ended more than seven years ago. Unemployment has returned to normal levels. Yet gross domestic product is rising at half its postwar average rate. Achieving better growth is possible, but it will require deep structural reforms.

The policy worthies have said for eight years: stimulus today, structural reform tomorrow. Now it’s tomorrow, but novel excuses for stimulus keep coming. “Secular stagnation” or “hysteresis” account for slow growth. Prosperity demands more borrowing and spending—even on bridges to nowhere—or deliberate inflation or negative interest rates. Others advocate surrender. More growth is impossible. Accept and manage mediocrity.

But for those willing to recognize the simple lessons of history, slow growth is not hard to diagnose or to cure. The U.S. economy suffers from complex, arbitrary and politicized regulation. The ridiculous tax system and badly structured social programs discourage work and investment. Even internet giants are now running to Washington for regulatory favors.

If you think robust growth is impossible, consider a serious growth-oriented policy program—one that could even satisfy many of the left’s desires.

• Taxes. The ideal tax system raises revenue for the government while distorting economic decisions as little as possible. A pure tax on consumption, with no corporate, income, estate, or other taxes is pretty close to that ideal.

The U.S. tax system is the opposite: By exempting lots of income, the government raises relatively little money. Yet an extra dollar is heavily taxed, greatly lowering incentives and encouraging people to find or create exemptions. This massive complexity and obscurity undermine faith in the system.

Progressives, ponder this: With a sales tax of only 25%, the government would likely have gotten a lot more money from Donald Trump—who has employed complex but legal tax-avoidance schemes—than it did by purporting to tax income at high rates.

• Regulation. U.S. regulation is arbitrary, slow, discretionary and politicized. Speak out on the wrong side of the party in power and some federal agency will be after you.

Imagine a deep rule-of-law regulatory reform, along the lines proposed by House Speaker Paul Ryan’s “Better Way” plan. Congress must review and approve major regulations. People and businesses have a right to see evidence and appeal. Regulators face a shot clock—no more years and years of delays on decisions. Agencies must conduct serious, transparent and retrospective cost-benefit analysis.

Imagine a similar deep reform of state and local restrictions including zoning laws and occupational-licensing regulations.

• Social programs. When many people earn an extra dollar, they lose more than a dollar of benefits. If we fixed these disincentives, more Americans would work—and fewer would need benefits.

• Health. Replace ObamaCare with a simple health-insurance voucher. Deregulate insurance and entry into health care dramatically.

• Finance. Replace strangling regulation of financial companies with a simple rule: If you issue enough equity that stockholders bear the risks, you can do what you want. Rep. Jeb Hensarling has proposed such legislation. Hearty competition is the best consumer protection.

• Labor. The best worker protection is a worker’s ability to swiftly change jobs. This is more likely if employers do not face a mountain of red tape, complex rules and legal liability.

• Immigration and trade. The politically incorrect truth: Allowing Americans to buy from the best supplier and permitting people who want to work and start businesses to immigrate is good for the economy. Trying to impoverish China will not revive America.

• Education. Let lower-income Americans get a decent education from charter schools and vouchers.

• Energy. Trade all the crony subsidies and credits and regulations for a simple uniform revenue-neutral carbon tax. The country will have more growth and less carbon.

It would take an entrenched obtuseness to claim such a program cannot substantially improve economic output and incomes. If you claim such good policy cannot help, then it follows that bad policies do not hurt. Nativism, trade barriers, overregulation, legal capture, high taxes, controlled markets and people excluded from work won’t hurt our slow but positive growth. Don’t give populists cover to try it again.

If you object that such good policy is politically infeasible, then you at least grant that robust growth is economically possible. And small steps help. Current bipartisan proposals to reform taxes, Social Security, immigration, the regulatory state and trade agreements would go a long way to reviving growth. Have a bit more faith in democracy.

On the other hand, the major party presidential candidates’ signature plans—child-care tax credits, college subsidies, higher taxes on people who don’t hire good enough lawyers; threatening a trade war and deporting millions of unauthorized immigrants—cannot revive substantial growth.

So why is there so little talk of serious growth-oriented policy? Regulated and protected industries and unions, and the politicians who extract support from them in return for favors, will lose enormously. The global policy elite, steeped in Keynesian demand management for the economy as a whole, and microregulation of individual businesses, are intellectually unprepared for the hard project of “structural reform”—fixing the entire economy by cleaning up the thousands of little messes. Even economists fight to protect outdated skills.

Mr. Cochrane is a senior fellow of the Hoover Institution and an adjunct scholar of the Cato Institute.

11 Jul 2020

Tax Reform Again - Barokong

The bottom line: I argue for a national VAT instead of (and that is crucial) individual and corporate income taxes, estate taxes, and anything else.

Why? I want to break out of our stale argument. "Lower taxes to boost the economy"  vs. "you just want tax cuts for the rich." It's not going to go anywhere.

I also want to break out of the process. Proposing cuts within the current structure of the tax code, even if proposing them with offsetting cuts in deductions, leads naturally right back to the mess we're in.

Once you tax income much of the rest of the mess follows inexorably.  If we go back to the beginning, and tax spending not income, so much mess vanishes.

Once the government taxes income, it must tax corporate income or people would incorporate to avoid paying taxes. Yet the right corporate tax rate is zero. Every cent of corporate tax comes from people via higher prices, lower wages, or lower payments to shareholders. And a corporate tax produces an army of lawyers and lobbyists demanding exemptions.
An income tax also leads to taxes on capital income. Capital income taxes discourage saving and investment. But the government is forced to tax capital income because otherwise people can hide wages by getting paid in stock options or “carried interest.”

The estate tax can take close to half a marginal dollar of wealth. This creates a strong incentive to blow the family money on a round-the-world cruise, to spend lavishly on lawyers, or to invest inefficiently to avoid the tax.

Today’s tax code tries to limit this damage with a welter of complex shelters: 401(k), 526(b), IRA, HSA, deductions for corporate investment, and complex real-estate and estate-tax shelters. Taxing something and then offering complex shelters is a sure sign of pathology. But by taxing cars, houses and boats when people or companies buy them, all this complexity can be thrown out. With a VAT, money coming from every source—wages, dividends, capital gains, inheritances, stock options and carried interest—is taxed when it’s spent. [I left out the whole mess of corporate investment deductions and credits, plus foreign income. All vanishes with a VAT.]
A reformed tax code should involve no deductions—including the holy trinity of mortgage interest, employer-provided health insurance, and charitable deductions. The interest groups for each of these deductions are strong. But if the government doesn’t tax income in the first place, these deductions vanish without a fight.
Zero is important. Eliminating the personal income, corporate income and estate taxes is important. Taxes are like zombies. If you just reduce the rates but leave the taxes in the code, they come back.  And all the deductions, exclusions, credits and the rest come back too. If we just compromise for a VAT in exchange for lower individual and corporate rates, we really will end up at European levels of taxes -- 20%+ VAT, 50% income tax, 20-40% payroll tax, 40%+ estate taxes.

BTW, I should be clear what a VAT is. You pay the VAT, say 20%, on everything you buy. It's collected by the seller. You collect the same VAT on everything you sell, but you may deduct the VAT you have paid on your purchases. If I am in charge, period. Notice this gives people an incentive to collect the VAT.

In this way, a VAT is, in fact, something of a corporate tax, and is largely "paid by" corporations. But it does not distort rates of return as much. More importantly, it is clearer, more transparent, and allows us to throw out the mess of the corporate tax code. The border-adjusted corporate tax reform was sold as a step towards a VAT, and it was -- if you have a PhD in economics to figure that out -- though it retains all the special deductions and carve outs of the corporate tax code. We need a tax that the average voter can understand, and a clean slate.

A second theme of this oped, though for lack of space less visible: Tax reform is stalled because we try to do too much. We try simultaneously to

1) Raise revenue for the government

2) Redistribute income to people with lower incomes

3) Redistribute income to homeowners, electric car drivers, farmers, etc. etc. etc. (Despite the hullabaloo about income redistribution, there is a lot more of this)

4) Redistribute income away from "the rich"

5) Subsidize various activities and industries. Practically all of them. (We simultaneously tax, subsidize, regulate and promote most industries.)

6) Arguments about the structure of the tax code are mixed up with arguments about tax rates, the overall level of taxes, the overall level of spending.

Really, the current discussion is disheartening to an economist, who sees taxes as a necessary evil to raise revenue for the government, to be done with the lowest marginal rates and lowest distortions possible.  The current discussion, entirely on the left and mostly on the right, sees taxes pretty much only as an instrument of redistribution to one or another class.

Eliminating the income tax in favor of a uniform VAT, leaving the rate blank, lets us fix the structure of the tax code without getting sidetracked with all these other issues.

What about progressivity and redistribution? The oped explains briefly how to make a VAT progressive, if that's what you want. The idea is explained more at length in an earlier post. Briefly, you get a rebate for VAT on your first $10,000 of expenditures, half on the next $10,000 and so on. The rebate can happen instantly, like a giant rewards program for debit cards.

But it is becoming clearer to me that our redistribution system is just as chaotic as our tax system. A major observation: Why should every measure be assessed for its redistribution in isolation? For example, a major complaint on the left on the corporate income tax is the idea that corporate taxes end up being paid by shareholders, which are rich people, so it's redistributive. I don't think the fact is right -- corporate taxes are paid more by higher prices and lower wages, and we're all shareholders through our pension funds. But even if we admit the fact, that's a bloody inefficient way to achieve redistribution. The entire corporate tax, with all its shenanigans, exists to try to get more money out of shareholders? Just tax them directly! Get your redistribution elsewhere, and not this way.

So, the thought touched on in the oped: We need at least a comprehensive measure of redistribution, and much more fine-grained than just across income categories. We could have a much flatter tax code if we had a more aggressive social welfare state, no? We should be able to trade these things off, getting better taxes and more effective redistribution, to people who really need the money.

Both points are part of a more general point. We have become obsessed with income, both in taxation and in redistribution. America is becoming a class society with class defined by income. So many social programs treat income the way India used to treat caste. But income is a terrible measure, with little economic meaning. My mid 20's children are "low income." Consumption is a far better measure. And in terms of who deserves taxpayer funded help, we can think of a hundred characteristics that matter -- disability status, say -- much more than income. The income tax and vast amount of redistribution that happens on income alone is reinforcing this. Tax people by what they spend.

Related, a standard objection to the VAT is that it is "regressive." Poor people spend a larger fraction of their incomes, so in a flat VAT they will pay more of their income in tax. First, I answer that with the progressive VAT. But more deeply, why should progressivity be measured as a fraction of income which has little economic meaning, rather than as a fraction of consumption  in the first place? If I leave my income invested for others to use it to build factories, why tax that? Yes, I will be richer in the future, and we will tax that when and if I spend it. If I never spend it... well, good for me. Annual income is just not a particularly useful economic concept.

There are lots of other almost as good ways to implement a consumption tax. The Hall-Rabushka Flat Tax is one, various proposals to implement a progressive consumption tax via the current income tax mechanism is another. My VAT shares a lot with the Fair Tax proposal to replace the income tax with a national sales tax. But reflecting on it, I like the finality of not even measuring income any more. Remember the zombies. And a VAT works better than a sales tax.

However, the VAT is not a pure consumption tax, and I'm not persuaded it needs to be. (The title is a bit misleading, but I don't get to pick oped titles.) I would tax investment goods at the same rate as consumption goods. If not, then a lot of shenanigans will erupt trying to define what's an investment good and what is a consumption good. Is the corporate Ferrari a "investment?" A real corporate investment, like real corporate purchases of VAT taxed inputs, will yield profitable goods, and the VAT paid on investment can be deducted on the sale of those goods. Yes, it will be a few years later, but if the investment is worthwhile the profits should be larger if they come later. Yes, it's not as pure, but it's close -- we avoid the chaotic capital taxation of today, and we avoid trying to make a distinction between investment goods and consumption goods. Everyone pays the VAT. Everyone.

Please don't bother to comment that we can't have a VAT because the politicians will just add back the income tax.  I know the argument. If our country cannot legislate "we put in a VAT, we eliminate the income tax, and that's it," then democracy is doomed already.

As usual, full text in 30 days, or get creative with your Googling.

Update: I learned of a precedent for the progressive VAT idea, Yaacobi Nir, "Progressive V.A.T. as a Substitute for Income Tax" December 2008

In the name of Science - Barokong

Source: climatefeedback.org
"Climate Feedback" has produced a "scientific review" of my WSJ oped with David Henderson on (Oped ungated full text here, see also associated blog post.)

In the blog post, I wrote,

"If it is not clear enough, nothing in this piece takes a stand on climate science, either affirming or denying current climate forecasts. I will be interested to see how quickly we are painted as unscientific climate-deniers."

Now we know the answer.

To recap, the oped said nothing about climate science, nothing about climate computer model forecasts, and did not even question the integrated model forecasts of economic damage. We did not deny either climate change nor did we argue against CO2 mitigation policies in principle. For argument's sake we granted a rather extreme forecast (level of GDP reduced by 10% forever) of economic costs. We did not even question the highly questionable cost-benefit analyses of policies subject to cost benefit analysis. We mostly complained about the lack of any cost benefit analysis, and the quantitative nonsense of many claims.

So, it's curious that there could be any "scientific" review of a purely economic article in the first place. How do they do it?

Aaron Bernstein, Associate Director of the Center for Health and the Global Environment, Boston Children’s Hospital, Harvard: writes

We did not say known. We cited estimates, which have standard errors. We cited 10% of the level of GDP, forever. The response cites the discounted cost of all future GDP loss, in terms of one year's GDP. Our number is much larger. 10% of GDP forever has a discounted value of 10%/(interest rate - growth rate). If interest rate - growth rate is one percentage point, then 10% of GDP forever is worth 10 times annual GDP, 1000% a lot more than 20%. If we took his number, total discounted costs only 20%, then climate change would truly be trivial. Even if he were answering our 10% with 20%, a factor of two is couch change in this business. OK, two tenths of a percentage point of growth.

(The quote is only about losses up to 2100, so you don't get the full r-g effect, but you see the point -- apples to oranges. The lesson is don't divide a present value by one year's flow. The discounted costs are an even larger fraction of a minute's GDP.)

Bernstein  continues:

"Even these higher damage estimates may fail to capture the full costs of extreme events over time, as Martin Weitzman’s work has shown. But there’s another, and more difficult, rub. What if we don’t understand the full consequences of greenhouse gas emissions? "

and continues with a standard list of things that might go wrong. We had written,

"... some advocate that we buy some “insurance.” Sure, they argue, the projected economic cost seems small, but it could turn out to be a lot worse. "

and addressed the issue.

"Science" and "scientific" review is supposed to include the ability to read and basic quantification.

David Easterling, Chief of the Scientific Services Division, NOAA's National Climatic Data Center writes:

It wasn't an oped on climate change impacts. It was an oped on cost-benefit analysis of policies to address climate change impacts, and never questioned any climate change impacts.

Just why is building dikes, or other adaptations laughable? Miami is 7 feet above sea level, Rotterdam about the same below sea level, and 7 is greater than most estimates of sea level rise. Rotterdam did it. Climate change is the biggest environmental risk? More than nuclear war, chemical pollution, the crap in the water that most people in the world drink, malaria, loss of habitat, poaching, all put together? A citation or two comparing climate change to the others would be nice. And the total value of smaller more expendable buildings is far larger than the total value of Empire State buildings.

Easterling falls neatly into our trap. We accused the politicized climate policy community for leaving quantitative, cost-benefit policy analysis behind and he... leaves quantitative cost benefit policy analysis behind.

Frank Vöhringer, Dr. rer. pol, Scientist, Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne (EPFL),

Verena Schoepf, Research Associate, The University of Western Australia,

"The authors seem unaware of many consequences of climate change, particularly related to the ocean. The increase in ocean acidity and temperature, due to uptake of atmospheric CO2, will have tremendous consequences for many marine organisms and thus ultimately humans via sea level rise, impacts on weather and climate, food security, etc."

Wolfgang Cramer, Professor, Directeur de Recherche, Mediterranean Institute for Biodiversity and Ecology (IMBE) continues in the same vein.

This is all simply untrue. We didn't "play down" any costs, and certainly not "economic studies," which we fully acknowledge. We do take for granted all the scientific, computer modeling and economic model estimates (though there is plenty to argue with there, but that's for another day). Nothing in the oped questions any of this. And "fails to mention" has to respect our limits: the WSJ gives us 900 words. We can't mention everything.

Moreover, we acknowledge and consider

"Yes, the costs are not evenly spread. Some places will do better and some will do worse...."
We acknowledge and consider that

"Migration is costly. But much of the world’s population moved from farms to cities in the 20th century...."
Not bad for 900 words.

Wolfgang Cramer, Professor, Directeur de Recherche, Mediterranean Institute for Biodiversity and Ecology (IMBE) continues, but I'm running out of steam. You get the idea.

Bottom line

Our main charge for the climate-policy community was,

"Scientific, quantifiable or even vaguely plausible cause-and-effect thinking are missing from much advocacy for policies to reduce carbon emissions. "

climatefeedback.org has nicely illustrated exactly such flights from scientific, quantifiable, or even vaguely plausible cause and effect thinking. Notice not one counterexample in my quotes or the whole post. Along with a striking inability to read, and a fascinating will to put words in people's mouths that aren't there.

Let me offer a little "scientific review" of this "scientific review." N=5 is a small data sample. There is this little concept called "selection bias." Offering highly interested people a chance to blast an oped is not a "scientific review."

Blogging, opedding, publishing your political opinions is what democracy and free speech are all about. Just don't call it "science."

Like most people, I revere "science." Its dispassionate quest for the truth has brought us unimagined prosperity. But, dear climate policy "scientists," be careful,  if you are going to invoke the imprimatur of "science"you had darn well better be right. If you end up saying "never mind," as the food establishment has done with the 1970s advice to eat margarine and sugar instead of animal fats, the public prestige of science, and all the good for policy it has brought, will come crashing down. You will be treated no more seriously than economists. And that will be a great tragedy. The fact that you are using such unscientific method in your policy analysis is an early warning sign.

I wrote to the climatefeedback editor, requesting that they post a link to this response on their "review." It will be an interesting test of what ethics remain part of "science" to see if they do that, or answer my email.

Update: climatefeedback answers, in the true spirit of dispassionate transparency that "science" demands:

Hello John,

Thank you for reaching out. We could agree to add a link in our review acknowledging

your reply; we only require that The Wall Street Journal adds a link to our review from your article.

Thank you,

Emmanuel Vincent I replied with a guffaw. Grumpy enjoys good snark as much as the next person. I invited them to post a comment at WSJ, which at least WSJ allows and climatefeedback does not ("feedback" does not even include comments), and allow me to post a comment at their site.

I also pointed out that the Wall Street Journal oped page is explicitly an opinion page, while they pretend to be a page of "scientific review." In the old days "science" publications were not opinion, and operated by greater standards of transparency and openness. (Though, not only through comments and letters, even the WSJ opinion page would publish a response such as mine. Editors have contacted me in the past with several inquiries about my articles.)

Not allowing a criticized author a link to a response, forget about posting the response itself, is way out of the bounds of "scientific" ethics. Proof again that the name of "science" is taken in vain here.

30 Jun 2020

Volatility - Barokong

An essay at The Hill on what to make of market volatility:

What’s causing the big drop in the stock market, and the bout of enormous volatility we’re seeing at the end of the year?

The biggest worry is that this is The Beginning of The End — a recession is on its way, with a consequent big stock market rout. Is this early 2008 all over again, a signal of the big drop to come?

Maybe. But maybe not. Maybe it’s 2010, 2011, 2016, or the greatest of all, 1987. “The stock market forecast 9 of the last 5 recessions,” Paul Samuelson once said, and rightly. The stock market does fall in recessions, but it also corrects occasionally during expansions. Each of these drops was accompanied by similar bouts of volatility.  Each is likely a period in which people worried about a recession or crash to come, but in the end it did not come.
Still, is this at last the time? A few guideposts are handy.
There is no momentum in index returns. None. A few bad months, or days, of stock returns are exactly as likely to be continued as to be reversed. The fact is well established, and the reason is simple: If one could tell reliably that stocks would fall next month, we would all try to sell, and the market would fall instantly to that level.
Twenty percent volatility is normal. Twenty percent volatility on top of a 5 percent average return, means that every other year is likely to see a 15 percent drop.
Big market declines come with a recession, as in 2008. But recessions are almost as hard to forecast as stock prices, and for much the same reason.

...

They asked me to hold off a few weeks before posting the whole thing. So either wait two weeks or head over to The Hill. I also wrote here "The Jitters" related thoughts about the spring 2018 bout of volatility.

28 Jun 2020

Volalitily, now the whole thing - Barokong

An essay at The Hillon what to make of market volatility, from Dec 31. Now that two weeks have passed, I can post the whole thing. I add some graphs too.  (Though at the rate things are going any forecast will have been proved wrong in two weeks!)

What’s causing the big drop in the stock market, and the bout of enormous volatility we’re seeing at the end of the year?

The biggest worry is that this is The Beginning of The End — a recession is on its way, with a consequent big stock market rout. Is this early 2008 all over again, a signal of the big drop to come?

Maybe. But maybe not. Maybe it’s 2010, 2011, 2016, or the greatest of all, 1987. “The stock market forecast 9 of the last 5 recessions,” Paul Samuelson once said, and rightly. The stock market does fall in recessions, but it also corrects occasionally during expansions. Each of these drops was accompanied by similar bouts of volatility.  Each is likely a period in which people worried about a recession or crash to come, but in the end it did not come.

Still, is this at last the time? A few guideposts are handy.

There is no momentum in index returns. None. A few bad months, or days, of stock returns are exactly as likely to be continued as to be reversed. The fact is well established, and the reason is simple: If one could tell reliably that stocks would fall next month, we would all try to sell, and the market would fall instantly to that level.

Twenty percent volatility is normal. Twenty percent volatility on top of a 5 percent average return, means that every other year is likely to see a 15 percent drop.

Big market declines come with a recession, as in 2008. But recessions are almost as hard to forecast as stock prices, and for much the same reason. If we knew with confidence that a recession would happen next year, businesses would not invest or hire, and people would not spend, and we’d have a recession now.

Recessions do have some momentum. But the cyclical indicators of the real economy are strong, much stronger than they were in 2007-2008. Unemployment is 3.7%. There is no slowdown in real GDP growth or industrial production, or business investment in the most recent data. Inflation is close to the Fed’s target, so there is little reason to fear the Fed will quickly raise rates and cause a recession. Now, the market aggregates more information and faster than the rest of us. Still, the lack of any slowdown adds weight to the suspicion that this correction may pass as well.

In thinking about the economy, remember that it has passed from “demand” to “supply.” At 3.9% unemployment, we cannot get greater growth from simply putting unemployed people and machines to work.

The stages of the business cycle
As we complete the transition from a demand-limited economy to a supply-limited economy, it is perfectly natural for interest rates to rise. One or two percent above the inflation rate is perfectly normal. As interest rates rise, it is perfectly natural for interest-sensitive sectors like housing and autos to decline a bit – but other sectors do better. Demand shifts between products, and auto or housing slowdowns do not mean an overall slowdown.

The economy no longer needs or can use monetary or fiscal “stimulus.” Now growth must come more productivity. Growth-oriented policy requires efficiency, “structural reform,” better incentives, not just money in pockets. In my view, the US has gotten an extra percent of growth, mostly from deregulation and a bit from the incentive effects of the tax cuts. But these are over, and further reform is unlikely. So a growth slowdown is certainly in the cards.

What about the yield curve? It is flattening – the difference between long-term rates and short term rates is narrowing. And an inverted yield curve has, historically, been a good forecast of a recession to come.

But we are not yet at inversion, as the graph shows. Moreover, there have been long periods of nearly flat yield curves in the past, when the “supply” economy kept growing before the next recession, most notably the mid 1990s. In fact, if inflation remains contained, it is possible that the world starts to resemble earlier eras with permanently inverted yield curves. In a non-inflationary environment, long-term bonds are safer for long-term investors. Last, the form of inversion matters as well as the fact. An inversion that comes from the Fed quickly pushing up short rates to cause a slowdown, fighting inflation, is likely to, well, cause a slowdown. An inversion that comes when long-term rates plummet, seeing trouble ahead, is likely to be followed by trouble ahead. We have neither of those circumstances.

So what is going on? I hazard a guess.

Volatility occurs when there is great uncertainty. Investors are worried big events are on the horizon, and can’t quite figure out what is going to happen. Prices aggregate information, so seeing a price decline can make you think other people know something you don’t in a time of great uncertainty. We see this clearly in studies of high frequency data, when bond markets are adapting and digesting Fed statements, and we know there is no other news to react to.

We are, no doubt, in a time of high uncertainty about policy and politics. Volatility broke out almost coincident with the November election, and I think the markets are trying to digest just what the political chaos of the next two years means for the economy.

Surely no major growth-oriented economic reforms will come out of Congress. Congressional democrats will bring the full weight of the legal system against the Administration. Cabinet secretaries trying to clean up regulation will have a hard time when being constantly subpoenaed.

The government shutdown over 1/10 of 1% of the Federal budget devoted to a border wall is emblematic. It is, of course, entirely symbolic as any border wall will be stuck in the courts for decades. But it is precisely when issues are symbolic that compromise is impossible.

So the best economic news that markets can hope for is two years of complete government paralysis, and therefore a return to 2 percent or so growth.

Things could be much worse, and markets know it. A large policy blunder in the next two years, such as a big trade shock could well happen.

More deeply, the US is now unable to respond to any genuine crisis — economic, financial, military. Imagine that another banking crisis hits, and President Trump asks Congress, again, for a trillion bucks to bail out banks, and another trillion for fiscal stimulus. Or imagine if he does not, and whether the Administration can implement better ideas to fight a new and different crisis. Imagine what happens if China invades Taiwan, or a big bomb goes off in the middle east.

Europe is not in much better shape. It has followed the Augustinian approach to structural reform – Dear Lord, give me reform, but not quite yet. Italian banks, and too many German banks, are still stuffed with Italian government debt. Brexit, Cinque Stelle, and Gilets Jaunes mean that pro-market, free trade, growth-oriented structural reform not likely, and there is a limit to what even the ECB can do. China is as usual obscure, and more fragile than they want us to believe.

Throughout the world, government debt remains the big danger. Where is there a lot of debt, no plan to repay it, shady accounting, extend-and-pretend, off-balance sheet guarantees, and the debt is mostly short term and prone to runs? Government debt. If a serious recession comes, in a time of dysfunctional government, it may well provoke a government debt crisis, which would be an economic conflagration beyond anything we have seen.

So, we live in a time of great uncertainty, brought about by great political uncertainty. Great uncertainty leads to volatility. Volatility means that stocks are more risky, and thus must pay a greater expected return to get people to hold them. The only way for the expected future return to rise, is for today’s price to go down. So we see a correction – mild so far, to compensate for the mild risk of holding stocks through a few months of ups and downs.

There is a silver lining to this story. If prices are low because required returns have risen, then if nothing bad happens, long-term investors will do fine. Bond prices go down when yields go up, and the larger yields eventually make up for the price loss.

But greater uncertainty means a greater chance that something truly terrible will happen. As well as a greater chance that it won’t. The big message of the moment is that risk is higher. Managing risk, not following some sage’s directional bet, is the best investment advice anyone should start with.

(I also wrotehere "The Jitters" related thoughts about the spring 2018 bout of volatility.)

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Anies Baswedan

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